Category: Uncategorized

September 29, 2024

President Ali’s Address to the UN: Guyana’s Global Vision and Domestic Challenges

Introduction

This Commentary reflects on President Dr. Irfaan Ali’s address to the 79th Session of the UN General Assembly (UNGA) under the theme “Leaving no one behind; acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations.” It was one of the better written speeches by the President and both he and his speechwriter deserve credit.

Environmental Leadership and Biodiversity

Ironically, Ali begins his presentation critical of what he referred to as the annual pilgrimage to COP – the annual environment summit hosted by the UN – with a statement which, at the very least, warrants repetition at the next COP. The environment is one area in which Guyana stands out among countries of the world, giving the President the bragging right that Guyana has the second-highest percentage of forest cover globally and one of the lowest deforestation rates, although partly due to our small and concentrated coastal population.

Aiming to assert a leadership role for Guyana, the President announced the launch of a Global Biodiversity Alliance – convening the first summit in 2025 – the objective of which is the creation of a market for biodiversity credits, scaling conservation debt swaps, and promoting nature -positive actions which some might regard as technical jargon. He committed Guyana to doubling its protected areas by December 2025 and achieving the global biodiversity target of 30% by 2030. In a memorable phrase, he told the global audience that Guyana does not lecture but leads by example, boasting unnecessarily “without arrogance.”

Perhaps the President should have used the opportunity to call on the global body to support the right of small, developing countries to utilise their natural resources without being hypocritically lectured by the industrial world, the real and continuing culprit and cause of climate change. It was in such a context that some reference to Guyana’s oil development could have found a place in his speech and pointedly, how the oil industry of the world is loaded against developing countries.

International Relations and Border Dispute

His address dealt with the challenges to peace, human rights and human development across the world, beginning at home and then hemispheric countries Haiti and Cuba. He reminded the UN of Venezuela’s unlawful claim to two-thirds of Guyana, with its potential to stymie economic development in that space, and reaffirmed Guyana’s commitment to a peaceful resolution through the International Court of Justice (ICJ). He might have highlighted too that for a long time, the matter was under the jurisdiction of the UN and although it has moved to another forum, his country was still counting on the UN not to remove it from its radar, even amidst all the challenges the world faces.

On Haiti, Ali emphasised Guyana’s support for the UN Kenya-led force to bring peace to that beleaguered country and for Cuba, he called for the revocation of the US economic embargo against Cuba and its removal from the list of countries which engage in state-sponsored terrorism. With credibility as a Muslim, the President spoke with passion and conviction about the extreme action of the Taliban in silencing Afgan women in public.

Demonstrating Guyana’s engagement with global affairs and its willingness to voice opinions on complex international issues, Ali was unambiguous on several international conflicts, including Ukraine, Sudan, Afghanistan and the Israel-Palestine situation. An interesting observation is that on most, if not all of these issues, Guyana’s position was not at any significant variance with those of the USA, including on Ukraine which may not have gone down well in Moscow.

Other issues

Given that food production is an area in which Guyana enjoys some credibility, it was no surprise that the President showcased Guyana’s commitment to enhancing food production and that at least 35% of agro-businesses are owned by women and 60% by young people, even if the statistic is incomplete. It does not appear too, that he addressed the more mundane issue of ensuring fair trade in food commodities and affordable food prices across the world, posing a threat to the lives and livelihood of hundreds of millions.

Without offering any specifics or recommendations on how changing the composition of these organisations can better address the needs of small, rapidly developing states, the President called for reforms of international institutions like the UN Security Council, World Bank, and IMF to better represent developing countries.

Another omission was any reference to the challenges faced on the economic, social and political conditions even by a resource rich country like Guyana. This omission is particularly striking given the rapid changes the country is undergoing due to its oil boom.

Conclusion

President Ali’s address could potentially raise Guyana’s profile on the global stage, presenting the country as a responsible actor committed to environmental stewardship and international law. However, the speech misses opportunities to address the complex challenges which small states like Guyana face domestically.

Of course, the President chose how best to utilise the time allotted to him and with all that is taking place across the world, he was obviously constrained. In the circumstances, there must be omissions, while adhering to the theme of the occasion which the President himself repeated. Yet, for the domestic observer, there is another plausible reason: the President has become the country’s chief spokesperson internationally while his Vice President assumes that function domestically.

Next week’s Commentary will address the absence of the long overdue Census

September 21, 2024

The deadweight of bureaucracy

The bureaucracy in Guyana can at times – and in different places – be stifling, overbearing, frustrating and totally unproductive. No place is spared as I recently learnt in an indirect encounter with the Guyana Police Force, concerning a recommendation to an individual who was applying for a firearm licence. It was with a mixture of amusement and bewilderment that I was requested to produce both a Tax Compliance Certificate and an NIS Compliance. I should have asked  whether the latter was for me as an employer or an NIS pensioner, or the relevance of my tax compliance to my recommendation!

This episode reminded me of two Letters to the Editor last year complaining about the processes in both arms of the Deeds and Commercial Registry last year. What appears to be happening is that arbitrary rules are put into use not only with little or no statutory authority or rationale by persons who see systems from only one side of the counter. Most of them have no experience in the private sector and have not had to be on the other side – except trying to open a bank account, which is itself a nightmare.

In the case of the Commercial Registry the issue was about a declaration of the ultimate ownership of companies by individuals controlling 25% or more of the issued shares in a company. What the Registry was requesting was a statement that includes every shareholder, information that is completely useless and which in any case is supplied with the Annual Return which must be made by every company. It took the intervention of the Attorney General to have the requirement set aside.

More recently, a request for a Tax Compliance Certificate for a property owner wishing to sell his property was met with a request for the buyer to produce a Taxpayer Identification Number. Worse, since the buyer was a company, the officer of the GRA insisted that a TIN was required for each of the directors. When I pointed out that directors can change at any time, the overenthusiastic officer said that the GRA would have to be notified on each occasion! Again, and to his credit, the Commissioner General addressed and resolved the issue immediately.

Then there is the case where an application for a Work Permit on behalf of a company was made to the Ministry of Home Affairs for an expatriate. The Ministry’s immediate response was that in order to process the application, they required copies of GRA and NIS compliance certificates for both the employer and the employee. They seem unaware that part of the wider process, the GRA has to be satisfied that the tax laws are complied with. The Ministry it seems is totally unmindful that requesting superfluous, unnecessary add cost, not value.

Then there is the NIS which is expected to deliver from a system which has been historically defective and deficient. The number of new employees has increased significantly but with no corresponding increase in human, physical or technological resources. There is indeed significant bureaucracy which the Government and the Scheme’s Administration seem unwilling to do anything about. Lots of the frustration which the public experience is derived from old, outdated laws, inadequate processes and a Board that seems incapable of appreciating the frustrations of the public.

I am not targeting these entities but only using examples of which I have personal experience. No doubt, others have similar experiences with other agencies, and it would be interesting to learn about these and how the public cope with and overcome them. And it would be unfair to suggest that the staff at these entities are unsympathetic or unhelpful. In fact, while some of them exploit the bureaucracy for less than honourable ends, there are others who are themselves hobbled by the bureaucracy.

As the country continues its unprecedented growth across all sectors, regions, agencies and activities, administrative reform and the elimination of bureaucracy is an absolute necessity. The path forward demands not just technical solutions but a fundamental shift in governmental culture to a results-based solution. I have conveyed my experiences and frustration to persons in authority but have met with another problem – inertia, at the political level. Of course, a process and culture which was birthed under colonialism will not be easy to root out and any solution requires a paradigm shift – an examination of the nature and purpose of systems and controls which are sometimes conflated with bureaucracy.

I have suggested the establishment of a dedicated Task Force under the aegis of the Minister of Business, or the Minister of Public Service, charged with the systematic identification and elimination of processes that serve no purpose beyond their own perpetuation. This Task Force should have terms of reference, timelines and be representative of key stakeholders without being too cumbersome.

The challenge is formidable, requiring a confrontation with inertia and entrenched interests, thus requiring courage and authority. It is hard not to be cynical whether those in authority are willing to break free from the tyranny of bureaucracy for bureaucracy’s sake. Fortunately, responsibility for the public service falls under the President himself. He has at his command the resources including the advisers, ministers, consultants and staff to lift the deadweight of bureaucracy hanging over and impeding an efficient public service.

September 14, 2024

The Overgenerous Investment Act: 20 Years Later

Recently, in a discussion with some businesspersons, the issue of foreign ownership of land in Guyana came up for discussion. Surprisingly, many felt Guyana needs to consider some form of control over real property. Views will differ, but it’s hard to blame foreigners for taking advantage of the ease with which they can acquire property in Guyana. As Caribbean businesses come and “eat our lunch,” it’s time to reassess our two-decade-old Investment Act.

Historical Context and Regional Comparison

Beginning in the 1990s and through the first decade of this century, Caribbean countries introduced Investment Acts, reflecting a gradual shift towards formalizing foreign investment frameworks. Trinidad and Tobago led in 1990, followed by Barbados in 1992. Belize and St. Lucia introduced theirs in 2000, Jamaica in 2002, and others followed, with Grenada being the most recent in 2014.

Guyana’s Investment Act, passed in 2004, was part of this regional trend but stood out for its particularly generous provisions. The Act formalized practices that had previously been subject to ministerial discretion, marking a significant shift towards transparency and consistency in investment policies.

Key Provisions and Unique Aspects

The Guyana Investment Act pledges that any compulsory acquisition would only occur under specific, non-discriminatory conditions, with due process and prompt, adequate compensation including interest. This stands in stark contrast to the often-challenging process faced by Guyanese whose lands are compulsorily acquired.

Unlike many Caribbean nations with restrictive alien landholding policies, Guyana’s Act grants investors the freedom to lease or purchase land with minimal restrictions. It also provides operational freedoms such as minimal government intervention in management and pricing, and the right to import and export products freely, with some exceptions.

Other key provisions include:

• Right to determine profit distribution
• Employment of skilled foreign personnel when necessary
• Facilitated immigration processes for investors and their families
• Financial flexibility, including opening bank accounts in local and foreign currencies
• Freedom to transfer funds abroad, subject to tax obligations.

As the market for foreign exchange faces challenges, one wonders whether this last item is simply too generous.

Implementation and Economic Impact

Over the past two decades, the impact of this Act has been profound and visible. Our high streets, forests, mines, and commercial and financial sectors are increasingly dominated by non-Guyanese entities. While this has brought in foreign investment, it has also raised concerns about the control of key economic sectors.

The Act’s implementation has faced challenges, particularly in balancing the need for foreign investment with the protection of local interests. The absence of restrictions on activities that arguably should be controlled by Guyanese has led to a situation where foreign businesses can easily operate as registered business names, partnerships, companies, or cooperative societies.

Public Reaction and Debate

When first introduced, the Act was met with mixed reactions. Proponents argued it would boost foreign investment and economic growth, while critics worried about the potential for exploitation of Guyana’s resources. The parliamentary debate highlighted concerns about the timing of the Act, with some arguing it should have been introduced earlier to capitalize on investment opportunities.

The opposition, though absent for the final debate due to other political issues, had initially raised concerns about the broad powers granted to foreign investors and the potential impact on local businesses.

Need for Review and Amendment

After more than twenty years, and particularly in light of Guyana’s recent oil discoveries, the Investment Act cries out for amendments and stronger obligations on foreign investors. Key areas for potential revision include:

1. Introducing some restrictions on foreign ownership in strategic sectors
2. Strengthening requirements for technology transfer and local content
3. Enhancing environmental protection clauses
4. Updating dispute resolution mechanisms to reflect current international best practices
5. Revising the role and powers of Go-Invest to better serve Guyana’s current economic realities

Conclusion

While the Investment Act of 2004 played a crucial role in formalizing Guyana’s investment framework and attracting foreign capital, it’s clear that the economic landscape has changed dramatically. As we witness the transformation of our economy, particularly with the advent of oil production, it’s imperative that we revisit this legislation.

The challenge now is to strike a balance between maintaining an attractive investment climate and ensuring that Guyana’s resources and opportunities benefit its citizens first and foremost. This requires not just amendments to the Act, but a comprehensive review of our economic policies and a national conversation about the kind of development we want for our country.

The Government, Go-Invest, and private sector bodies need to take this Act and its potential revision seriously. Only through thoughtful, inclusive dialogue and careful policymaking can we ensure that Guyana’s economic growth is both robust and equitable, benefiting all Guyanese for generations to come.

A book review by Christopher Ram – Part 4

This is the fourth and final part of Maurice Odle’s autobiography narrated in a reflective writing style, in which personal experiences, political analysis, and broader reflections on global issues are interwoven to give a comprehensive view of his life’s work and the contexts in which it unfolded. At the national level, Odle discusses the persistent racial and ethnic divisions in Guyana’s politics and society; the factors that led to the coalition government’s loss in the 2020 election; and the challenges of governance in a deeply divided society. His proposed remedy is for more inclusive governance, which also addresses the economic disparities between different ethnic groups.

Regarding regional issues, Odle reflects on the Caribbean integration process, discussing both its achievements and shortcomings. With his several years within the CARICOM Secretariat, Odle is critical of the Caricom integration experience, citing as examples, the issues of production integration and the establishment of an oil refinery by Guyana rather than utilising the virtually idle refinery plant in Trinidad and Tobago. He is also extremely critical of CARICOM’s tepid approach to helping Haiti, a failing member state, comparing this neglect to the Region’s approach to Guyana during its economic decline during the 70s and 80s.

Noting the rise in violent crimes in the Region, Odle, ever the economist, draws attention to its detrimental effect on the viability of a vibrant social tourism industry and partly related to the drug trade and the easy access to guns from the USA. In that regard Odle suggested that the Caribbean needs to demand a USA contribution to a security fund.

On the international front, Odle provides a critical analysis of global economic governance and security developments. He traces the evolution of international relations from the Cold War era to the present, discussing the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the continued militaristic role of the United States. He critiques what he calls the “New Imperialism,” arguing that it operates through both hard and soft power, including military, economic, and informational means.

Odle’s reflections on global economic governance are particularly insightful. He critiques the imbalances in global rules, the skewed implementation of international agreements, and the limitations of promoting development through global conference declarations. His call for a more democratic and accountable system of global economic management resonates strongly in today’s interconnected world.

Odle also has his fulsome say on the very one-sided nature of the 2016 petroleum contract with Exxon, and the PPP/C’s reversal of “review and renegotiate” while in opposition, to sanctity of contract on gaining power. Odle attributes this to the PPP/C’s visceral fear of alienating America’s interest which he attributes to the US’s role in the PPP’s removal from government in 1953 and 1964. He suggests that the Americans were happy to see it lose office in 2015,  partly owing to corruption and criminalisation of the state. Odle sums up the PPP by saying that remaining in office is more important to the Party than the effective maximisation of benefits according to the people of Guyana.

At a personal level, Odle’s reflects on his personal life, expressing his regrets about not spending enough time with family, and his hopes for the future of Guyana and the Caribbean region. Odle has not been shy to discuss his private life and to the contrast between his three wives (bracket not all at the same time), the even-tempered Margaret Hutson, Brenda Do Harris, the political activist and his current wife Valerie who he describes as the consummate social animal.

An Eventful Life is not just a personal history; it constitutes a crucial historical document that provides invaluable insights into the economic and political dynamics of the Caribbean region and its place in the global economy. For policymakers, academics, and anyone interested in international development or Caribbean affairs, this book offers both historical context and forward-looking analysis from one of the region’s most experienced economic minds.

I will give the final say to two individuals who have known Odle for decades. The first, a literary giant, expressed the hope that what he describes as a compelling narrative should have wide appeal which deserves a very wide readership. The other, a fellow academic described the book as  an “insightful and entertaining memoir.” The latter applauds Odle’s courage and honesty in talking about your family life and other close relationships, and describes Odle’s “reflections, especially at the international level’ as compulsory reading for politicians, scholars and commentators. 

In closing, let me say a word for the London publishers Hansib of Guianese heritage. The quality of the production is excellent and even the list price compares favourably with low-cost publishing countries like China and India. An Eventful Life will be launched at Moray House next Wednesday (Sept. 11) at 5 PM where you will be able to obtain an autographed copy.

September 6, 2024

Introduction

Today’s Commentary returns to the saga of the Banks DIH Limited and its share exchange which has roiled the market, creating a huge problem for insurance companies, commercial banks and pension schemes. Meanwhile the company displays hubris, disdain and contempt for its shareholders, almost inviting them to go to court. Like the politicians, Banks claims that it “has the votes”, less than ten percent of shareholders by number – but with four shareholders accounting for 82% of the votes cast – to compel all shareholders to exchange their shares in a company that has operated successfully for 68 years to become a shareholder in a shell holding company.  

The manner in which the Company has gone about this Scheme of Arrangement is amateurish, without a proper understanding of the law, and violative of every element of transparency, shareholder relationship, basic communication and good corporate governance. In its haste to disenfranchise its shareholders, the company appears to have overlooked the definition of a shareholder to include “a person who agrees to become a shareholder and whose name is entered in the company’s register of members.” [s. 535 (u) (i) of the Companies Act[.

As if that were not bad enough, the company did not address in its application to the Court, or at the Special Meeting of the shareholders, the requirement of section 219 (1) ( e ) for provision to be made for any persons, who within such time and in such manner as the Co directs, dissent from the compromise or arrangement. It is regrettable and unfortunate that the Court did not appear to consider this vital minority shareholder protection in giving its approval of the Scheme of Arrangement. This oversight was compounded by an ex parte application from which the regulator, or any person acting on behalf of the minority shareholders, was excluded. Was this an accident, an oversight or a recognition that such a scheme, properly interrogated, had little chance of succeeding and its only recourse was this awful option.

Emboldened by its victory over unsuspecting shareholders, the company is now on a campaign of coercion to have shareholders exchange their shares in Banks DIH Limited for shares in a company of which they know nothing, and which is no more than a shell. But there is a truly consequential matter of law which the company appears not to know or understand: and that is that for the acquiring company, the pre-acquisition profits of a subsidiary are capital and not revenue. By allowing themselves to be duped into the share exchange, shareholders are giving up some $53,400 Mn. of distributable profits.

Alphabet/Google vs. Banks DIH/Banks DIH Holdings 

A couple nights ago, on a Private Sector Commission group chat, there was circulated, without comment or identity, the following:

‘Alphabet Inc. will replace Google Inc. as the publicly traded entity and all shares of Google will automatically convert into the same number of shares of Alphabet, with all of the same rights. Google will become a wholly owned subsidiary of Alphabet. Our two classes of shares will continue to trade on Nasdaq as GOOGL and GOOG.’

Whether this is a case of a “little knowledge” can only be speculated, but it seems that another PSC former official was the purveyor of the post. Surely context matters and Delaware, USA laws applicable to  cannot Alphabet/Google cannot be assumed to apply to Guyana. In fact, it is inapplicable. Here are some of the principal differences. The Alphabet and Google 2015 transaction was no sham restructuring, but a genuine separation of Google’s core businesses from its other more risky ventures and projects, such as self-driving cars. If not by design, but surely in effect, the only change is that pre-SoA Banks DIH shareholders are cancelled and become shareholders of a new holding company, a separate legal entity hiding behind what lawyers call a veil. Other than this unequal exchange, there is no restructuring with Banks DIH continuing to hold its subsidiaries, including Citizen’s Bank Limited and Banks Automative and Services Inc.

Another reason for the Alphabet/Google exchange was to increase transparency. In the case of Banks DIH Limited, the motive is the very opposite. No more would shareholders be able to ask questions about Banks’ procurement policies, or the logic of transactions passing through Florida on their way to Europe, or question the role of its directors, independent and non-independent. Under the new Arrangement, a handful of directors, including Banks DIH Chair and CEO, will form the entire Board of the holding company.

Regulatory oversight

The Alphabet/Google restructuring was subject to rigorous regulatory scrutiny by the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC). Alphabet’s Form 8-K filing was highly comprehensive, with detailed financial disclosures, governance changes, and segment reporting. The regulatory filings included risk factors, pro forma financials, and extensive information to ensure transparency and protect shareholder interests. The Form had over one hundred Exhibits, full particulars of the directors and officers, compensation plan, Code of Conduct and Transfer Restriction Agreements with Directors.

Banks DIH went surreptitiously and directly to the Courts, bypassing the Regulator, not once but twice. And the only document of any relevance is a report used as the basis for the action which is hidden from shareholders because it is confidential. Again, I ask whether the battery of advisers is aware of section 140 of the Companies Act. Maybe it realises that compliance would require recognition of dissenting shareholders. Whatever it otherwise is, this is a clear case of contempt for shareholders and disregard for corporate governance.

Transparency  

Alphabet provided investors with detailed disclosures, including segment reporting and, likely, pro forma financial statements to help investors understand the financial implications of the new structure.

Banks DIH has offered none. Shareholders did not have any information to make an informed decision and those who supported the resolution were taking a shot in the dark, a leap of faith in a company whose share price slid from $300 in March 2022 to $108 in April 2024.

While the Scheme of Arrangement states that the new exchanged share will be listed at the price of DIH shares at the time of delisting ($180), the SOA states that those shares have been valued at $1 each! Maybe the directors will explain why a share valued at $1 will be listed at $180.

Retained Earnings

When Google restructured into Alphabet, Alphabet was not subject to any restrictions on retained earnings as is the case in Guyana. No wonder then, as the SOA has volunteered, the shares in the new holding company are valued at $1 per share.

Conclusion

Meanwhile, there is no trading in the shares of Banks DIH Limited while Thirst Park tries its best to persuade shareholders to exchange their shares, and to get the belated approval of the Guyana Securities Council. As other companies which have sought to privatise public companies, including J.P. Santos Limited and Guyana Stockfeeds Limited, Banks DIH Limited will never be able to reduce the number of its shareholders below 50, the “private company” requirement under the Securities Industry Act. So, there will be two public companies, Banks DIH Limited and Banks DIH Holdings Inc., one which is traded on the Stock Exchange, and the other not traded.

Did these companies not consider this possibility as well? Or will they now seek another Court Order by the ex parte route? One wonders whether in his sunset years, Chairman Clifford Reis and company will be able to fix the worst company law/corporate governance fiasco in Guyana’s history, all of their own making. Directors have two principal duties – a fiduciary duty to the company which encompasses its shareholders and employees as well as a general duty of care. It would be a colossal tragedy if these are sacrificed on the altar of anyone’s ego.