Auditor General Report 2010 – Part 4 Conclusion

Introduction
Today’s column concludes the review of the Auditor General Report on the audits of the ministries, departments and regions for the year 2010. Readers will recall that the report was delivered to the Speaker of the National Assembly – conveniently for the first time in several years – within the statutory deadline but also conveniently, after the last sitting of the Ninth Parliament so that it could not be tabled and its contents become available to the public prior to the November general and regional elections. Clearly the Speaker of the National Assembly and PPP/C presidential aspirant Mr. Ralph Ramkarran, S.C. did not think it important enough to have a final sitting of the National Assembly for the tabling of the report.

Any reader of the report will be struck by the repetitiveness of the matters reported – and for the more discerning, the matters not addressed – in the report. We get excited at the level of abuse of the Contingencies Fund by the Minister of Finance. But neither the Audit Office nor the Public Accounts Committee appears to have recognised that it was not enough to consider only whether the payments from the Fund met the criteria of “urgent, unavoidable and unforeseen” required before the issuance of a drawing right by the Minister of Finance.

There is no evidence from the report that the Audit Office examined any of the following transactions financed from the Contingencies Fund: the sum of $198 million as a provision for Amerindian development projects; or $7.971 million for installation of water and electricity at the Amerindian Dormitory at Liliendaal; or $70 million for the purchase of accommodation items for the GDF; or $75.6 million to complete the National Swimming Pool (sic); or $38 million for ten compactor trucks or where they might be; or $12 million for furniture for Region 3 schools; or $26.3 million for resurfacing the cycle and car park at the National Park.

Epiphany and Nelson’s eye
The 2010 report has departed from its long-held policy of spelling out annually the expenditure from the lottery funds and was only willing to state that the money was spent “in accordance with the guidelines for access to the Lottery funding, which included funding for activities that promoted cultural and youth and sports development, financed medical treatment overseas and economic support for disadvantaged groups, among others.” The Audit Office has also reversed its position that the failure to put the proceeds into the Consolidated Fund is unconstitutional. Its epiphany it seems was the result of an opinion from the Attorney General who is also a member of the Cabinet. To most persons – but clearly not to the Auditor General – it did not seem obvious that it would take a most unusual and compelling set of circumstances for a member of the cabinet to tell the Audit Office that the Cabinet had been acting unconstitutionally for more than a decade!

Another interesting feature of the Deodat Sharma/Mrs. Geetangali Singh Audit Office is the failure to delve into transactions involving hundreds of millions of dollars of undisclosed and unaccounted funds across the ministries. The Audit Office has never, never commented on the annual sum of $100 million allocated to the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports for arts and sports development. Had it not been for the fact that this column has regularly criticised this annual allocation by the National Assembly in the Estimates, I would have suggested that, bad as it is, the Audit Office is unaware of the existence of the Fund. That they must have been aware of it points to a more serious matter: that they are complicit in hiding from taxpayers any information on how the $100 million per year is spent reportedly under the direction and control of no more than two individuals.

Creative financing
In 2010 it became clear that the Minister of Finance was using the dormant accounts to plug the National Budget, again revealed in the most bizarre language from the Audit Office. We learnt from the 2009 Audit Report that two accounts No. 201210 and No. 201360 with balances of more than $3.2 billion dollars “were closed in July 2010”. It was not until one turned to Note 2 to the 2010 Accounts that we learnt that $30 billion held in a number of dormant accounts in the 2000 Series Bank Accounts were transferred to the Consolidated Fund in July 2010. Yet, the 2009 Audit Report mentioned without comment only the two inactive accounts (No. 201210 and No. 201360) of nine accounts being closed in July 2010 – an interesting omission indeed. While there is nothing fundamentally incorrect in transferring these balances formally into the Consolidated Fund bank account, the timing seems as good a reason as any for the 2010 Audit Report not only to refer to the closure by a side wind, but for the embargo on the report until after the 2011 elections.

Given the significance of the amounts, a competent auditor would have reported to which account the balances were transferred and addressed the accounting treatment. So with the implicit assurance from the 2009 Audit Report that the creative practice was accepted without any adverse comment, the Finance Minister moved on to even bigger sums. Paragraph 86 of the 2010 Report refers to the sum of $11.117 billion as Miscellaneous Income, the net result it says, “of the ‘closure’ of inactive accounts, and retiring long outstanding obligations in relation to the issuance and redemption of Government Securities.” I doubt whether this accounting treatment is appropriate since these are not new funds. At all times they formed part of the Consolidated Fund since constitutionally there is only one fund and that is the Consolidated Fund with the Contingencies Fund being a sub-fund thereof.

God of small things
The title of the book by the Indian women’s activist Arundhati Roy seems an apt description of the approach of the national Audit office. Instead of addressing these big ticket, big picture issues of principles and risks such as the discretional spending at practically all the Ministries, the Audit Office prefers to report to the nation about a few thousands here and a few thousands there. Instead of reporting on the creative accounting by the Ministry of Finance it tells us that “Log books were not maintained for twelve of the Ministry’s fleet of vehicles, whilst partial submissions were received for five vehicles. In addition, an examination of the log books submitted for the five vehicles revealed that they were not properly written up in that journeys were not always authorised, fuel was seldom recorded, and there was no evidence of supervisory checks”.

Nor does it bother to report that in at least one Ministry one of its official vehicles is used by the daughter of a Minister or that that Ministry also controls and spends as it wishes tens of millions of dollars allocated by the National Assembly. I am sure taxpayers would much prefer to hear about the whereabouts of all the vehicles, tractors, excavators and equipment than about the vehicle log books of a few of them. For many ministries and departments the Report has absolutely no finding including the Office of the President where overseas travel by the President and his entourage is the order of the day and the infamous Ministry of Housing and Water for which there is only a single paragraph of a prior year matter which has not been resolved – the tabling of the 2010 reports for the Guyana Water Inc. and the Central Housing and Planning Authority.

Likes and dislikes
Is Mr. Sharma for real and does not think the circumstances of the payment of four billion dollars to GuySuCo or all the concerns about accountability in this Ministry, both in 2010 and prior years are worth addressing? If he thinks that the laying of annual reports of these entities is so important for the Ministry of Housing why is the tabling of the report of the Guyana Revenue Authority for several years or the annual reports of NICIL by the Minister of Finance who also is the Chairman of NICIL not important? Or, for that matter for the NIS, which is reeling from a loss of $5 billion invested in CLICO by the Jagdeo/Luncheon/Singh triumvirate?

Conversely, the Audit Office seems to have a special liking for the Ministry of Health and the award of contracts to the New Guyana Pharmaceutical Corporation by the Cabinet and the National Procurement and Tender Administration Board for the supply of drugs from India. The national press however gorges on this as red meat to a carnivore ignoring the more fundamental questions as to why the country which has an under-employed High Commission in India cannot facilitate the purchase of the drugs and other medical supplies which the Government pre-finances.

Not in our stars
Another area that receives no attention is the management of the billions of dollars of loans taken by the Government, particularly those for specific purposes, many of which will come up shortly for repayment. The loan schedule appended to the report has some significant errors of both omission and commission with vague dates of repayment such as “5 years following disbursements”. None of the reports of the Public Accounts Committee has ever referred to these appendices and one wonders whether it ever considers them.

The fault lies however not only in our stars but in the composition of the Public Accounts Committee which has largely been poorly constituted. A parliament that faces some of its greatest challenges as it seeks to assert its standing as one of the arms of the state now comprises some of the most inexperienced members I can recall since 1957. There are only a few who stand out as being capable, willing to work hard and with any relevant experience. Thankfully former Finance Minister Carl Greenidge meets those standards and while a couple of the ladies on the PAC during the Ninth Parliament could not be faulted for trying, they were clearly out of their depth.

Good luck
Dr. Ashni Singh as finance minister, and Mr. Deodat Sharma whose lack of a suitable qualification means that he cannot be appointed substantively to the post of Auditor General, have had an easy five years. Dr. Singh was also able to maintain a cordial relationship with the late Winston Murray who was a necessary backup to Ms. Volda Lawrence as PNCR nominated Chairperson of the Public Accounts Committee. The more likely person for appointment as Chairperson, Mr. Carl Greenidge has so far not had a good relationship with Dr. Singh and it probably will not get better.

This is an interesting background against which the 2010 report moves for detailed consideration by the PAC, a standing committee of the National Assembly. In the past, members like Bibi Shadick have used the PPP/C majority on the Committee to influence the areas for consideration and emphasis. This Committee will now comprise only nine persons and with the PPP/C losing the majority, the Committee is expected to take a far closer look at the report. In the past too, the Committee was deeply influenced by the Auditor General himself and Finance Secretary Mr. Neermal Rekha, as resource persons acting more like prosecutors.

Conclusion
If as is clear, the Report is itself deficient, then the PAC will have to do much more than just look at the report paragraph by paragraph and proceed to “blast” the unfortunate officer sent to defend the Budget Agency on the limited findings and recommendations contained in the Report. The Committee should be insisting on time frames to be given to implementing the recommendations made year after year. They should also be asking the Auditor General why over a five-year cycle he has not found it necessary or possible to audit the various funds and entities which are allocated huge sums each year but for which there is no accounting to the public.
Most importantly the PAC needs to have financial and technical resources at its disposal rather than rely entirely on the erratic attendance of part-time members supported by a couple of individuals with their own interests to protect.

Within the existing construct, the PAC cannot properly carry out the functions required of an oversight body to which the nation looks for proper accounting of state funds. It must use the existing composition of the National Assembly and itself to fix the structural problems inhibiting its scope.

Citizens have a constitutional right in relation to budget consultations

The exchanges between Dr. Ashni Singh, Minister of Finance and Mr. Carl Greenidge, former Finance Minister about whether or not there will be a meeting of the parliamentary parties on the 2012 Budget should not have been necessary given the country’s constitutional framework.

Prior to 2003, Article 11 (now Article 13), Chapter II PRINIPLES AND BASES OF THE POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SYSTEM provided that “The principal objective of the political system of the State is to extend socialist democracy by providing increasing opportunities for the participation of citizens in the management and decision-making processes of the State.” To the representatives of the PNC Government who questioned the justiciability of the specific Article, then Chancellor Keith Massiah responded in the 1987 decision in the case Attorney General v Mohammed Ally that “I see no reason to think that the articles in Chapter II of the Constitution have no juridical relevance and are merely idealistic references with cosmetic value only. So to think would be to seek to debase the Constitution.”

In a subsequent amendment, the strength and justiciability of Article 13 were put beyond doubt when by Act 10 of 2003 the right to be consulted was made into a fundamental right under Article 149C in the following terms: “No person shall be hindered in the enjoyment of participating through co-operatives, trade unions, civic or socio-economic organisations of a national character in the management and decision making processes of the State.”

However, since his appointment in 2006, Dr. Singh has shown a disdain and intolerance for the annual budget consultations – arguably the single most important decision made by the State in any year – and discontinued them for his first Budget in 2007.

Ironically, while Dr. Singh might have argued against any meeting with the parliamentary opposition on the grounds that they were not contemplated within “trade unions, civic or socio-economic organisations”, and that they have all the opportunities to participate in the debate in the National Assembly, he has agreed to meet with them even as he has blocked out entities as women’s groups, the professional accounting body, the trade unions, the private sector organisations, etc.

President Ramotar has to be careful that his preference for a more open presidency and non-violation of the Constitution applies not only to himself, but to his Ministers as well. It is not whether or not Dr. Singh cares for consultations or whether he thinks they are useful.

It is that citizens have a constitutional right to participate in such a process.

And as a Minister of the Government Dr. Singh has a corresponding duty to engage persons, and not only the parliamentary opposition, in such consultations.

Auditor General Report 2010

Introduction
Today we continue the review of the Auditor General Report which we commenced a fortnight ago on February 19, 2012. In acknowledgement of the hard work the print media have been doing to publicise some of the report’s major findings, this column has been looking at the broad and deeper issues of the role of the Ministry of Finance. These include the perpetuation of lawlessness instead of leadership, poor accounting rather than proper accountability and mismanagement of state resources rather than the strict management of finance.

Before proceeding it is important that we note two matters in connection with the “specialty hospital,” inspired if not financed by the Indians, and the Chinese ferries at a total cost of close to US$20M. A diligent search of the parliamentary records from 2008 -2011 reveals that no loan agreement was tabled for either of these projects and one can only speculate on how these are to be financed.

Hospital and ferries
It is a matter of public record that $179M of taxpayers’ money has been spent on the specialty hospital, a brainchild of former President Jagdeo. In the absence of any loan agreement the country may have to expend a yet undetermined sum on a project that is still – as far as the National Assembly is aware – at the stage of “preparatory studies and designs.” For those persons who are confused by the rhetoric about the “financial papers,” this is the problem. The National Assembly approved what appeared to have been an excessive and still to be accounted for sum of $150 million on preparatory work, but the super-confident Finance Minister decided, without any approval, to proceed to spend another $29 million on mobilization work.

With respect to the vessels, the draft of which may be too deep for the Essequibo at low tide, whether the financing is by way of loan or a grant any prudent financial manger would ask about the reasonableness of the value. If it is a loan then the External Loans Act 74:08 is being breached.

The Audit Office has never carried out specific audits of any of this contingencies spending, other than to say that they did not meet the criteria set out in section 41. Failure to address these has driven concerns that by its conduct, the Audit Office is actually encouraging such financial adventurism.

For example, in 2010 the Ministry of Agriculture expended $36 million on a long-boom excavator for Wakenaam and $18 million for one excavator. Taxpayers would expect the state auditor to assure us that these exist and are properly accounted for. Similarly there was the $3,730 million to the Ministry of Housing and Water that was never properly explained.

Local loans
The management of loans is another area of weakness in the country’s public finance system. On the receivable side the audit report provides the following information:

While the report views the amount receivable from Linmine as very remote, the position of GPL can be no different, with its massive line losses and financial outflows which the state has to keep subsidizing. And I do not think there is any person who thinks the Guyana Airways Corporation exists, let alone has the ability to pay any debt owing to the state.

In my view, the entire $13.6 B should be written off and charged against the Consolidated Fund. To keep it there is to live in a dream world, one that does not exist. Moreover, one needs to ask whether GuySuCo is not similarly indebted to the state or are those regular transfers no more than annual subsidies in disguise?

Management of spending
During 2010 the Minister of Finance, after presenting the biggest budget ever, went back to the National Assembly on three occasions, seeking supplementary appropriations for $9.2 billion, for all kinds of purposes. Yet, year after year, many of the largest ministries are unable to spend the sums originally allocated while others seem to engage in spending sprees as the year draws to a close.

The table below shows four of the largest budget agencies which in 2010 were unable to spend their budget allocations. Yet year after year they are allocated even larger budgets by the National Assembly on the recommendation each year of the Minister of Finance.

Strangely the Audit Office offers advice that the ministries should begin their spending earlier in the year without any apparent recognition that the process cannot really begin until the budget is approved. The Audit Office, of all places, should recognise too that inherent in the haste to push projects is the risk that procedures and controls will be overlooked, facilitating fraud, sloppy work and loss of resources; the very matters against which the the office is supposed to guard.

Minister’s failure to report
In the 2010 Budget the Minister of Finance had budgeted for the receipt of $6,150M as Miscellaneous Receipts of Norway funds. In fact none came. So the clever Finance Minister did a novel thing. In place of the $6,472M he brought into the books some $14,381M of which $11.117 B represented “the net outcome of the closure of inactive accounts, and retiring long outstanding obligations in relation to the issuance and redemption of Government Securities. Also included in the sum of $14.367 billionwas an amount of $2 billion, which represented revenue received through the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission.”

Yet, the Minister did not think that this matter was worthy of a comment in his report to the National Assembly on the performance and outcome for 2010 when he presented the 2011 Budget for approval. That in my view borders on deception and one has to wonder whether this was repeated in 2011 – an election year in which an even larger sum ($14 billion) was projected to be received under the Guyana-Norway agreement.

Declining lottery funds
In 2010, the sum of $255M was received as proceeds from the Guyana Lottery Company, being Guyana’s 24% share of the lottery’s gross takings. Expenditure for the year from the fund was $38M, but unlike previous years, the 2010 Report provides no details of the expenditure except to say that “The above expenditure was within the National Sectors previously identified and was in accordance with the guidelines for access to the Lottery funding, which included funding for activities that promoted cultural and youth and sports development, financed medical treatment overseas and economic support for disadvantaged groups, among others” – hardly the kind of generalisations one expects from any auditor, let alone the state auditor.

The Audit Office appears to have reversed an eleven year view that the lottery funds should be credited to the Consolidated Fund, apparently relying on a self serving “opinion” by the former Attorney General. I have seen a copy of that note from the Attorney General and in my view it defies both logic and law, but appears to have been welcomed by the Auditor General.

Deposit funds
The public accounts continue to treat cavalierly with various deposit funds it holds, representing sums of money that should be paid out at some future time. Particularly, there is uncertainty surrounding the accuracy of $1.477 billion shown as deposits held for investments on behalf of the Sugar Industry Labour Welfare Fund, the Sugar Industry Rehabilitation Fund and the Sugar Industry Price Stabilisation Fund.

What is worse is that the Audit Office which is charged with responsibility for auditing these funds has not done so, in two cases for more than thirty-two years! That is scandalous and it is surprising that the union has not taken up the issue in relation to the Sugar Industry Labour Welfare Fund.

A similar concern exists in relation to the Dependants’ Pension Fund, the deposit account for which shows an amount of $501.269M. However, the audited accounts of the entity for 2010 reflected a balance of $666.376M, resulting in an unaccounted difference of $165.107M between the Deposit Fund and that of the entity. Sadly, this has been the state of the account for several years.

To be continued

Provisions of two financial Acts are vastly different

One of the attributes of someone engaged in teaching, as I have been at various times, is the constant and necessary effort to put things over in a manner that facilitates comprehension by students. While that does not apply to Mr Ralph Ramkarran, his response of March 1 to my letter of February 29 on the two financial papers currently before the National Assembly, suggests that he missed several points which I thought would be quite obvious, particularly since he presided over the parliamentary debate on the Fiscal Management and Accountability Act 2003 which is again being hotly contested in the National Assembly. Mr Ramkarran either does not understand, or is unwilling to accept, that the Financial Administration and Audit Act Cap. 73:01 is as different from the 2003 Act as chalk is from milk.

In order to make the differences between the relevant Contingencies Fund provisions of the two Acts excruciatingly clear – borrowing the words of our energetic new Attorney General – I thought it would be helpful to set those features out in tabular form. Visually, the following ought to be obvious: that the provisions are vastly different; the reasons for their being different (the sums involved, ever evolving standards of accountability and transparency); what the legislators set out to do to manage the risks associated with the huge sums involved (detailed reporting, a statement showing the impact on the annual budget); and statutory sanctions against the Minister.

Financial Administration and Audit Act Cap. 73:01 (1961)  

Fiscal Management and Accountability  Act 2003

1. Purpose:
To meet unforeseen and urgent expenditure.

1. Purpose:
To meet urgent, unavoidable and unforeseen expenditure.
2. Circumstances:
Expenditure cannot be postponed without injury to the public, and no other provision exists to meet the expenditure.

2. Circumstances:
Expenditure cannot be deferred without injury to the public interest and there have been no or insufficient appropriated sums for which no reallocation is possible.

3. Mechanism
An advance
3. Mechanism
Issuance of a drawing right

4. Maximum Spending:
$500,000

4. Maximum Spending:
2% of expenditure approved by the national assembly of the preceding year. Currently equivalent to $2.5 Billion.

5. Report to National Assembly
NONE
5. Report to National Assembly
Report by minister specifying:
I. The amounts advanced;
II. To whom paid;
III. Purpose of advances; and
IV. A supplementary document describing the impact that the variations, if approved, will have on the financial plan outlined in the annual budget.

6. Time for taking to National Assembly
As soon as possible
 
6. Time for taking to National Assembly
Next sitting of the Assembly
 
7. Procedures:
a) Preparation of supplementary estimates.
b) Approval by National Assembly.
7. Procedures:
a) The Submission of supplementary appropriation bill.
b) Approval by National Assembly.
8. Sanctions against the Minister of Finance
NONE  
8. Sanctions against the Minister of Finance
Minister personally liable for any loss which he caused or to which he contributed.

It may have escaped the attention, not only of the learned Senior Counsel Mr Ramkarran but also the entire National Assembly, that the limit remained at a modest dollar sum for thirty-seven years because the circumstances – even at the lower pre-2003 standards – so extreme that it would have been unimaginable that any person would be given discretion to spend such huge sums without parliamentary approval when the convening of the National Assembly is a telephone call away! Section 41 should be amended immediately to restore some discipline to the demonstrated tendency of Dr Ashni Singh to abuse his powers and to act recklessly. I recommend a figure of no more than $50 million, which is one hundred times the pre-2003 limit.

Finally, as demonstrated by letters in the press, Mr Ramkarran is not the only person who appears to have difficulties with the nature and implications of the 2003 vis-à-vis the 1961 Act. He shares company with Mr Philip Bynoe and pollster Vishnu Bisram, who can only see an “Indian hospital.” Not too long ago, Mr Bisram saw a landslide; it was a mirage.

To my disappointment, Mr Ramkarran, stung by my letter, allowed himself in his March 1 letter to degenerate into the public ‘cuss-down’ which up to recently he had opposed from his nemesis Mr Jagdeo. I would suggest that he moderate any intemperate response to this letter, since he himself is not without vulnerabilities.

Ramkarran has disregarded essential facts in his comments on the 1961 and 2003 finance Acts

In his column in last Sunday’s Weekend Mirror defending the government’s $5.7 billion Supplementary Appropriation Bill No. 1 of 2012, Mr Ralph Ramkarran SC may have been guilty of some of the very charges – political opportunism, a disregard for essential facts and, over one significant issue, the taint of racially inspired motives – which he makes against Mr Carl Greenidge, the APNU shadow Finance Minister.

Even politicians, who often find truth and history inconvenient, do their best to avoid some of the errors made by Mr Ramkarran in his column. It is more than semantics that Mr Ramkarran describes the Bill as Estimates rather than what it was – an appropriation for 2011 transactions for which parliamentary approval is being sought in 2012. Mr Ramkarran’s statement that the Fiscal Management and Accountability Act 2003 Act, which he mis-identified, had “only one material amendment” to a 1961 Act is way off mark. In fact, the 2003 Act repealed twenty-eight of the forty sections of the 1961 Act, including two of its three substantive parts. The remaining substantive part and one general part were removed one year later.

I find those lapses most amazing since Mr Ramkarran, as Speaker of the National Assembly, was in the chair when the 2003 Act was debated and passed on December 16, 2003, assented to the same day, and gazetted one day later. I can overlook, as an inconsequential error, Mr Ramkarran’s miscalculation about the duration of the combined operation of section 24 of the FAA Act (it really is section 25) and section 41 of the FMA Act – it is fifty and not forty years as he states. What I am hesitant in allowing to pass is his suggestion of similarity between “the methodology and format … of approaching the National Assembly to approve the expenditure of funds by way of supplementary estimates” under the 1961 and 2003 Acts. The contrast between the two Acts is fundamental, touching on provisions of the Constitution of Guyana and involving the difference between substantial sums – half-a-million dollars under the old Act and billions of dollars currently.

I will take a short walk down memory lane with Mr Ramkarran and point to the fact that Guyana was a colony when the Financial Administration and Audit Act was passed in 1961. Five years later in 1966 we had our Independence Constitution, and fourteen years thereafter, the present day 1980 Constitution. In 2003 came what on paper was the path-breaking Fiscal Management and Accountability Act designed to give effect to the provisions of the constitution requiring strict financial discipline over the moneys received by the government and the procedures for approving and accounting for expenditure.

Mr Ramkarran is therefore being more than a little disingenuous in speaking of “only one material amendment”; that ‘section 41 added “unavoidable” as a qualification to “unforeseen and urgent.” The real and substantial differences between the two Acts lie not only in whether or not the Minister of Finance has discretion but in several major areas:

1. The amount in the Contingencies Fund is now 2% of the previous year‘s budget which in 2011 would have translated to approximately $2.5 billion compared with $500,000 prior to the passing of the 2003 Act.

2. The Minister is required to report to the National Assembly all withdrawals from the Consolidated Fund, providing specific information on the payments made.

3. Specific allocation of responsibilities, the creation of offences and imposition of penalties, including on the Minister;

4. the concept of conditional appropriations;

5. mid-year reporting;

6. government guarantee levy, etc.

Mr Ramkarran seems to find it inconvenient to acknowledge the vastly different sums involved in “Contingencies” spending between 1961 and now, or that the concept of transparency and accountability is a defining feature of modern public sector management. As a defender of a Bill and financial papers not brought to the National Assembly in accordance with the Act, Mr Ramkarran and the Finance Minister Dr Singh should be happy that the parliamentary opposition allowed almost all of Financial Paper # 7 to pass, not mock them with references to the “Indian” hospital.

Let me put this scenario to Mr Ramkarran as the CEO of the country’s oldest law practice. His chief finance officer comes to him saying that he has spent, without any evidence whatsoever, not only the $150 million the management had approved for “preparatory studies and designs on a specialty hospital,” but also another $29.1 million on “mobilization payment” for which he now seeks approval. I cannot see Mr Ramkarran approving the additional payment – as he is now asking not only the opposition, but the entire National Assembly – without some serious and penetrating questions and demands for documentary evidence. I know Mr Ramkarran quite well and I am certain that, couched in some good Guyanese language, he would demand, under threat of sacking, a copy of the study to examine its recommendations before any further expenditure is incurred. It troubles me therefore that in what amounts to a similar response by the Opposition, Mr Ramkarran can see some racially inspired undertones.

If Mr Ramkarran had understood the significance of the legislative changes in the 2003 Act, he would not have filled the remainder of the column with a learned but irrelevant discussion on the exercise of ministerial judgment. The space would have been better utilised reminding Dr Singh that as Speaker he had cause to caution the Minister with the message that arrogance and disrespect ought to have no place in Guyanese society, let alone the National Assembly.