Category: Letters to the editor

Dear Editor,

The Government often touts its extensive and expensive infrastructure projects as one of its key achievements. Yet despite billions of dollars being spent each year, the quality of road management remains deplorable and dangerous, contributing significantly to the high level of accidents and deaths on our roads.

Every month, about a thousand new vehicles are added to our roads, a large number of them converging daily on the capital city. This influx, compounded by poorly maintained infrastructure, is causing unbearable traffic jams costing countless man-hours, waste fuel, and further harm the environment. Many of the commercial vehicles, too large for the narrow, deteriorating roads, contribute to the worsening road and traffic situation. The absence of proper planning and management to accommodate this growing traffic volume is glaring.

Just after 6 PM this past Sunday (a non-working, non-school day), I experienced firsthand the unacceptable state of road conditions between Waterloo Street in Georgetown, where I work, and Ogle on the lower East Coast Demerara, where I live. Along Carifesta Avenue, only a couple of streetlights were functioning, leaving much of the road in darkness. On the East Coast Highway, the medians are poorly marked, forcing drivers to navigate treacherous conditions, compounded by oncoming vehicles blinding them with high beams. I even had to turn on my hazard lights due to the poor visibility and dangers on the road!

The situation on the Railway Embankment Road from Turkeyen to Ogle is even worse. Potholes and unevenness are common, large unlit vehicles are parked  on both sides, encroaching on the roads, while the traffic lights at the junction of Embankment Road and Ogle Airstrip Road have been non-functional for several days. To make matters worse, the Airstrip Road itself is in a terrible state of disrepair.

Meanwhile, our political leaders, who are quick to celebrate multi-billion-dollar road projects, are chauffeured around, some with sirens, and seem uncaring of the everyday frustrations faced by the average road user. They remain detached from the reality of those who navigate these poorly managed roads daily. Despite all the funds spent, it is clear that the core issues — maintenance, proper planning, and traffic management — are being neglected, by all state agencies involved.

New roads alone, without proper management, will not solve the growing crisis. The Office of the President, where much of the planning resides, along with the Ministry of Public Works, the Ministry of Housing, and the police, must bear responsibility for the consequences of their poor planning, coordination, and execution. The State, through its incompetence, failures, and inattention, is directly responsible for the hazards that road users face daily. I urge the relevant authorities to not only focus on building new roads but to ensure the effective management, maintenance, and long-term planning of our existing infrastructure. Immediate action is critical to prevent further loss of life, productivity, and resources. It is time the authorities address these issues so that the citizens of this country no longer have to suffer in silence.

Finally, I take this opportunity to appeal to my fellow citizens, who daily endure similar challenges in other parts of the country, to speak out and let our politicians hear their voices. If we fail to act, we will have no one but ourselves to blame when this crisis turns into a permanent nightmare.

This letter is being sent to the Office of the President, the Ministry of Public Works, the Ministry of Housing, and the police to ensure that those in positions of responsibility are directly informed of the concerns raised, and more importantly, will act on them.

Sincerely,
Christopher Ram

A book review by Christopher Ram – Part 3

Odle moves abroad

Odle’s quintessential calling as an international technocratic public servant economist is narrated with a style identifiable to the layperson. He left Guyana in the year of Rodney’s assassination to join the United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations (UNCTC) in New York. Over his 17-year tenure with the UN, Odle became a key figure in shaping policies on transnational corporations (TNCs) in developing economies.

Odle operated in several roles and different levels contributing to flagship publications on regulating transnational banks and technology transfer; leading advisory missions to numerous countries, including China and various African nations; and playing a crucial role in discussions with Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress about post-apartheid economic policies in South Africa. Odle did not try to exaggerate his own role or that of the UNCTC but the task of reconciling the apartheid economy into the wider world while attracting international investors into a highly charged political, economic and hugely polarised South Africa was discussed dispassionately, betraying his political experiences from Guyana.

Another highlight of Odle’s UN career was his instrumental role in establishing the World Association of Investment Promotion Agencies (WAIPA) in 1995, aimed at facilitating foreign direct investment in developing countries. He also featured prominently in the arrangements for the UNCTASD IX/Africa Connect’ conference in South Africa in 1996, aimed at stimulating increased foreign investment in Africa.

To ensure that he kept abreast with developments in academia while at the UN, Odle retained his earlier contacts and ties with academia, serving as an external examiner for tertiary institutions and participating in academic conferences. This allowed him the opportunity to evaluate in practice some of the emerging ideas and theories in international development economics.

In a This period of Odle’s career coincided with the global shift towards neoliberal economic policies, characterised by a strong emphasis on free market capitalism, deregulation, and reduced government intervention. It was the heyday of supply-side economics and monetarism of which Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher were the apostles and the IMF and the World Bank the leading disciples. In Guyana, Hoyte became a convert with Jagan following suit, if reluctantly.

Return to the Region

Upon retiring from the UN in 1997, Odle returned to the Caribbean as a Technical Advisor to CARICOM’s Regional Negotiating Machinery (RNM) in which his principal focus was on two major negotiations:

1. Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) for whichOdle was responsible for negotiating investment and financial services on behalf of the Caribbean. The book describes the challenges facing small economies in areas like dispute settlement and performance requirements. After years of negotiations and preparation, the FTAA failed for the reasons set out in Odle’s book on page 123.

• Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union for which Odle was deeply involved in preparing background papers and negotiation briefs. He provides a critical analysis of the EPA, signed in 2008, suggesting that it has not delivered the anticipated benefits to the Caribbean. Odle cites experts like Norman Girvan and Havelock Brewster, who critiqued the EPA’s potential to undermine regional integration efforts.

Odle saw these initiatives through the lens of a heterodox economist from a country and region carrying the scars of slavery, indentureship and colonialism. Throughout the negotiations, Odle was mindful of the inherent inequalities faced by smaller economies when negotiating with larger, more powerful entities.

The final phase of Odle’s career saw him serving as Special Economic Adviser to the CARICOM Secretary-General, focusing on deepening regional integration through the CARICOM Single Market and Economy (CSME).

In that capacity, Odle played a role in authoring research papers on the interface between regionalism and globalisation, negotiating complex regional agreements like the CARICOM Investment Code and initiating the Caribbean Trade and Investment Report (CTIR), a crucial publication for informing policymakers about regional integration issues.

Odle’s account of this period is particularly enlightening, offering a candid assessment of the challenges facing Caribbean integration. He cites issues such as low intra-regional trade, failure to implement agreed-upon policies (CARICOM’s Curse?), and the lack of political will among leaders as key obstacles to deeper integration.

His frustration with the challenges of intra-CARICOM negotiations faced by technocrats was barely disguised, confronting a suffocating level of bureaucratic obstacles and indecision by representatives of insular member states. In discussing his efforts to improve the information and publication policies of the CARICOM Secretariat, Odle complains about difficulties in securing support and resources for initiatives like the CTIR, highlighting the ongoing struggle to prioritise regional integration efforts.

Back to Guyana

Of course, Odle was literally at home in Guyana where the CARICOM Secretariat is located but the end of his engagement with CARICOM saw his reluctant re-entry into Guyana’s political sphere. Odle renewed his relationship with the Working People’s Alliance (WPA) and when that party became engaged in Coalition politics with A Partnership for National Unity (APNU), a coalition that included the WPA and other parties in 2015, Odle was appointed to several important positions.

The book details his experiences serving on various boards and committees, including:

1. The Tax Reform Committee: Odle chaired this committee, which was tasked with reforming Guyana’s tax system. However, the implementation of their bold recommendations proved politically contentious and the target of the then political opposition.

As a member of that Committee along with Godfrey Statia and Dr. Thomas Singh, I believe that inadequate communication of the rationale of the recommendations as well as their deliberate mischaracterisation is a good reason for having a non-partisan mechanism for future tax reform.

2. National Industrial and Commercial Investments Ltd (NICIL): As chairperson of NICIL, Odle faced numerous challenges, including conflicts with the CEO and issues surrounding land distribution and privatisation.

Odle relates a falling out with his former WPA buddy and comrade Dr. Clive Thomas who as Chairperson of the State-owned Guyana Sugar Corporation had accused Odle of “misleading the nation.”

3. Tax Ruling by the CCJ: Odle functioned as an economic advisor in a case involving environmental taxes on non-reusable beverage containers, highlighting the complexities of regional trade agreements and environmental policies. As an economist and regionalist, while Odle accepted the ruling, he expressed concerns that the Court had failed to acknowledge the Government’s defence of passing-on, leading to unjust enrichment of the private company from Suriname.

As one who was also a technical adviser to the Guyana Government in the case, I believe that Odle’s comment is more than valid and justified. Indeed, it is my firm belief that foreign companies seem to get the benefit of doubts at almost every level and forum in Guyana.

Throughout this period, Odle grappled with the challenges of governance in Guyana’s complex political landscape. He provides insights into the difficulties of implementing reforms, managing state assets, and navigating political tensions within a coalition government. Odle also touches on the emergence of Guyana’s oil industry and the establishment of the Natural Resource Fund, highlighting the potential impact on the country’s economy and the challenges of managing this new resource.

The fourth and concluding part will appear next Sunday in which I will offer my own take on the book.

A book review by Christopher Ram – Part 2

For many Guyanese, chapter 3 of Odle’s memoir is the most exciting and interesting, covering a period from the late sixties to the year 1980, the year of the assassination of Walter Rodney. Odle’s return to Guyana in 1967, armed with a degree from the London School of Economics, coincided with the country’s early years of independence and a time of great political and social upheaval.

It was during Odle’s tenure at the University of Guyana – where he attained the position of Head of the Department of Economics and later Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences – that political tensions in Guyana took a turn for the worse, with Odle himself drawn into activism against the increasingly authoritarian government of Forbes Burnham. According to Odle’s telling, it was the refusal of the Board of the University of Guyana to appoint Rodney to a position in the institution after being refused re-entry to Jamaica that was a more overt resistance to the Burnham’s increasing authoritarianism.

University lecturers were partly behind the underground publication “Ratoon” by the Ratoon/MAO Group (MAO stands for Movement Against Oppression) which joined with  other groups led respectively by Moses Bhagwan, Eusi Kwayana and Brindley Benn to form the Working People’s Alliance first as a non-political movement. Street corner meetings at which these persons, along with Clive Thomas, and Rodney resonated with large multi-racial crowds unhappy with the economic and social hardships brought about by Burnham’s extreme nationalistic policies. People’s Power, No Dictator became a battle cry while Rodney taunted Burnham, likening him to King Kong. Things took a serious turn when the building housing the Ministry of National Mobilisation and Office of the General Secretary of the PNC was destroyed by fire, leading to swift rounding up of WPA leaders including another academic Omawale, Rupert Roopnarine, Bonita Bone, Karen DeSouza, Kwame Apatha, and Rodney himself.

Prior to Odle’s arrest, Rodney had called to ask him to take his young children to school, but even as he did so, he too was arrested and taken to a Police Station where he managed to use sign language to communicate with Rodney. It was during his detention that Odle swallowed pieces of a sensitive paper, no doubt with incriminating information.

The Guyana university campus became a cauldron of political activity, with Odle and his colleagues at the forefront of intellectual resistance. This led to escalating tensions between the academic community and the government, including incidents of intimidation, surveillance, and attempts to silence critics. One of Odle’s colleagues Dr. Josh Ramsammy barely survives an assassination attempt in broad daylight, but the murders of Rodney’s bodyguard Edward Dublin, Ohene Kaoma, WPA’s office manager and Jesuit priest Bernard Darke in a wave of terror led by Rabbi Washington and the House of Israel, attracting regional and international attention. But it was the assassination of Walter Rodney in 1980 which marks a tragic trigger point, sending shockwaves across Guyana, the Caribbean and the progressive world, leaving an indelible mark on Guyana’s political landscape.

The impression was that Odle was a reluctant politician, avoiding the political platform but using his pen, his courage and his contacts to support the political leaders, rather than being one of them. Unlike Rodney who was denied a job in Guyana and was forced into full time political activities, Odle had a senior job in academia with politics a secondary calling, forcing him into a delicate and dangerous balance of academic pursuit with political activism. In the process, Odle managed to produce significant academic work, including research on monetary policy and development economics.

Odle did not confine is academic relationships with Guyanese such as Clive Thomas and Havelock Brewster but was part of that elite group of Caribbean intellectuals that included Alistair McIntyre, George Beckford, Lloyd Best, Hilary Beckles, Norman Girvan, Trevor Munroe and Carl Stone. In this context, Odle highlights his Caribbean connections not only in the professional field but in the post-colonial struggles in Guyana and similar movements across the region. Odle’s interactions with Caribbean intellectuals and his involvement in regional academic networks highlight the interconnected nature of Caribbean political thought during this period. Odle describes the assassination of Grenada Prime Minister Maurice Bishop, described as a comrade dedicated to the struggle on behalf of the poor and the powerless, nearly “as traumatic as that of Walter Rodney.” 

For many Guyanese, this phase of Odle’s life was the most interesting, bringing back evocative memories of an era during which the promise of independence gave way to the realities of post-colonial challenges, and when intellectuals and activists played a crucial role in shaping national discourse. Odle’s personal odyssey during the period was not dissimilar to that of many of his contemporaries who struggled to reconcile their roles as academics, citizens, and activists in a rapidly changing and often dangerous political landscape.

Like so many of them, he too moved on, to start a career as an international public servant, as a professional staff of the United Nations, beginning in 1980.

Dear Editor,

Over the past few days, I have been engaged in several conversations with both individual and corporate shareholders in Banks DIH Limited who, like me, received from the company correspondence informing them that their shares in the company had been invalidated, and providing them with a “replacement share certificate” for an equal number of shares in a new holding company Banks DIH Holdings Inc. (BDIHHI).

Like an estimated 90% of other shareholders, I never supported the Scheme of Arrangement approved at a special members meeting of the company. The make-up of those supporting the resolution is interesting, but such details may detract from the purpose of this letter, which is to inform my fellow shareholders that I do not intend to surrender my existing shares for what is not only an insufficiently explained objective but a rather egregiously ill-conceived adventure.

Here are some of the reasons.

1. While shareholders could vote for whatever they want, they cannot deprive other shareholders to act in their best interest, including the right to dispose of their shares as they see fit.

2. It is an unfortunate fact that the directors sought and obtained the Court’s sanction of the Scheme, but no provision was made for those shareholders not willing to participate in the new Scheme.

3. At no stage was any of the two principal regulators –  the Securities Council and the Registrar of Companies – engaged in the court process. Usually, the Court would request that the regulator be made a party in any application.

4. It is amateurish and simplistic to assume that a share in BDIHHI will trade at an identical or higher price than that of Banks DIH Limited.

5. If and when the shares of BDIHHI are brought to the Stock Exchange for trading, it is the market that determines the price, not the directors. How often do we not read of share offers on a Stock Exchange either failing or steep falls in price.

6. Banks DIH Limited has retained earnings (undistributed profits) of approximately $50 Bn, available for distribution. Banks DIHHI has NONE. By virtue of two provisions of the Companies Act of which the directors were unaware or recklessly ignored, even if those were to be distributed by Banks DIH subsequently, they constitute capital and not income of Banks DIHHI. Accordingly, they can never be paid as distributable income of shareholders in the holding company.

7. The flip side of this is that the directors of Banks DIH Limited will have sole and exclusive control of the billions built up in Banks DIH Limited over the decades without any scrutiny or accountability.

 8. Banks DIH Limited pays dividends three times per year because of its strong balance sheet with billions of dollars in reserves. That will not be possible by the holding company for some time to come.

9. I have had the benefit of reading the minutes of the meeting of shareholders at which the Scheme was approved. At no time during the meeting, or in the booklet promoting the Scheme, did the directors indicate the risks associated with the Scheme. Or give any projections.

10. For the first time in the long history of this hitherto iconic company, its year end will coincide with the company embroiled in a court matter over its very existence, its shares not traded, and unable to pay dividends.

11. Yet, directors have been tone-deaf to questions raised in the media about the Scheme. This is not only irresponsible but reckless.

12. The sensible solution is to have another members’ meeting to reverse the Scheme of Arrangement, which has already cost the company lots of money. Sadly, hubris and ego will get in the way.

13. If so, the directors should do what is in the best interest of the company and the shareholders as well – resign en bloc.

I appreciate that shareholders expect to receive dividends, and to be able to trade their shares. But simply capitulating at this time can cost them dearly in both the short and medium terms. Before exchanging their shares, shareholders should demand explanation and information from the directors, contact the regulators, consult with fellow shareholders and consider seeking legal advice and action.

Christopher Ram

Shareholder in Banks DIH Limited.

A book review by Christopher Ram – Part 1

An Eventful Life, the autobiography of Dr. Maurice Odle, is among those occasional books that cast new light on facts and events with which a declining number of Guyanese are familiar, rekindling old prejudices and arousing nostalgia. This publication which will soon be available to Guyanese, does more than recount the work experiences of one of the Region’s leading economic academics and practitioners, a contemporary and intellectual soulmates of some of the Region’s top economists and leaders. It is a good read – an honest narrative of an individual who overcame personal challenges to earn his PhD in Economics from the London School of Economics (LSE) in 1973 and spent a long life characterised by political activism and professional excellence in Guyana, the Caribbean and on the international stage.

Dr. Odle was born in 1937 in colonial British Guiana and his early education gave no hint of the contribution he would later make as a respected economist and influential figure in Caribbean and what was then referred to as the Third World. The fifth of eight children to parents of contrasting dispositions in which a strict disciplinarian mother and a father who was less visible and influential, Odle entered Queen’s College where he continued what might be considered a solid but not exceptional student career after which he worked in various Ministries as a public servant. This phase witnessed the blackouts and rationing against the backdrop of World War 11, shaping his early life, social development and political awareness influenced by the growing social and political developments which led to universal adult suffrage and the suspension of Guyana’s constitution in 1953.  

Reluctantly Odle took up his six months’ long leave in the Mother Country, determined to return home. Later, persuaded to change his mind by siblings and friends, Odle elected not to return home but to pursue higher education in London which had seen a large influx of Caribbean and Commonwealth citizens exercising their rights as British nationals.

Following a stint at the Board of Trade and aided by some additional studies, Odle gained admission to LSE in 1961, a move which changed his life forever. At LSE, Odle immersed himself in a rigorous economics curriculum, broadening his understanding of political economy and international relations. He became an active participant in campus life, particularly as an office holder in the West Indian Society a feature of which was the hosting of international politicians and academics, as well as organising cultural events. Odle narrates an incident in London in which he had a tense exchange with Mr. Forbes Burnham which Odle described as disturbing and warranting inclusion in the book. This period also saw Odle engaging in political activism, participating in protests against apartheid and the Rhodesian Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI), all influencing his left-wing inclination.

His experiences at LSE and in London broadened his worldview, deepened his understanding of global issues, strengthened his commitment to addressing development challenges in the Caribbean and most importantly caused him to rub shoulders with some of the Region’s intellectual giants in the pre-UWI era, such as Clive Thomas, Norman Girvan, Alistair McIntyre and the world-famous Walter Rodney. 

For those who endured life as an immigrant in the UK, the expression  Life in London seems to be a cruel joke and throughout his studies, Odle faced significant financial challenges, balancing his academic pursuits with various jobs to support himself and his growing family. Having myself done weekend work at Lyons at Piccadilly Circus, I think I understand his comment about washing dishes at Lyons in Regent Road, London.

After completing his MSc at the London School of Economics, Odle secured a lectureship at Enfield College of Technology (later Middlesex University) in England. However, the call of home proved irresistible, and in 1967, Odle returned to the newly independent Guyana to take up a position at the University of Guyana (UG).

Odle’s time at UG was marked by both academic pursuits and political activism. He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming Head of the Department of Economics and later Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences. His research during this period focused on various aspects of economics, including monetary policy, public expenditure and technology transfer.

The political climate in Guyana during the late 1960s and 1970s was tense, with growing authoritarianism under Forbes Burnham’s government. Conditioned by his early life and the growing political consciousness of the era, Odle became involved in political activities, serving as President of the UG Staff Association and participating in the publication of ‘Ratoon’, a critical pamphlet addressing social and political issues.

Throughout this tumultuous period, Odle managed to maintain his academic focus, producing significant research and publications. He completed his PhD from London University in 1973, becoming a full Professor and Director of UG’s Institute of Development Studies in 1974.

A pivotal moment in this period was the denial of a professorship to Walter Rodney, a prominent historian and activist. Odle was part of the committee that reviewed this decision, which was ultimately politically motivated. The subsequent political tension culminated in Rodney’s assassination in 1980, an event that deeply affected Odle and the course of politics in Guyana.

To be continued